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Monday, December 5, 2022

Political factor was crucial, kindness and graciousness of DAP

PETALING JAYA: A wide range of views has emerged on the Cabinet line-up but most analysts agree on one thing – it reflects the current political set-up and the need to appease all the parties involved.

“I think it does reflect the strength and number of seats that each party has,” said senior fellow from Nusantara Academy for Strategic Research, Dr Azmi Hassan.

He described the appointments as “fair”, adding that they were made in tandem with the ratio of parliamentary seats held by each party.

The main factor in determining the line-up of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s Cabinet was the need to please the political parties involved, he added.

This, he said, was to ensure that Anwar would have the support of the parties in the unity government.

“The political factor was crucial in determining the Cabinet appointments,” he added.

Azmi said the ministerial appointments might not please everyone.

DAP, he noted, has been relatively quiet since the Cabinet list was unveiled.

“I would understand why – they (Pakatan Harapan) needed to appease Barisan Nasional and thwart the advance of PAS,” he said.

The 28-member Cabinet includes 15 Pakatan ministers comprising four from DAP, eight from PKR, two from Amanah and one from Upko.

There are six Barisan Nasional ministers, five from Gabungan Parti Sarawak, one from Gabungan Rakyat Sabah and one without a political party – Datuk Mohd Na’im Mokhtar, a Syariah court chief judge who was appointed Religious Affairs Minister.

Presently, Anwar has the support of Pakatan’s 82 MPs, Barisan (30 MPs), GPS (23), GRS (six), Warisan (three), Muda (one), KDM (one), Parti Bangsa Malaysia (one) and two independent MPs.

International Islamic University Malaysia’s Dr Tunku Mohar Tunku Mohd Mokhtar said the Cabinet line-up was a result of negotiations between the Prime Minister and the component coalitions of the unity government.

“It reflects the proportionality of the components and party hierarchies,” he said.

He added that parties such as Muda and Warisan were not given ministerial positions, “but I think they would not protest about it”.

However, Tunku Mohar noted that Barisan chairman Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s appointment as Deputy Prime Minister had compromised Pakatan’s pledge for good governance.

Ahmad Zahid is facing 47 charges involving criminal breach of trust, corruption and money laundering.

Universiti Sains Malaysia senior lecturer Dr Azmil Mohd Tayeb said the Cabinet was one which Anwar could cobble up based on the current political arrangement.

“It’s much slimmer and appeases almost everyone,” he said.

However, he was of the view that Anwar should not have assumed the Finance Minister’s post.

The last prime minister to hold both portfolios was Datuk Seri Najib Razak from 2008 to 2018.

Back then, this had come under criticism with Pakatan pledging in its 2018 general election manifesto that the prime minister would not hold the finance portfolio.Azmil also had reservations about the appointment of Tengku Datuk Seri Zafrul Tengku Abdul Aziz (International Trade and Industry Minister).

“I don’t think it is a good idea, while excluding someone like Datuk Seri Dr Dzulkefly Ahmad,” he said.

Dr Dzulkefly, the health minister in the Pakatan-led administration from 2018 to 2020, had defeated Tengku Zafrul in the battle for the Kuala Selangor seat.

Political analyst Oh Ei Sun, a senior fellow at the Singapore Institute of International Affairs, said the Cabinet appointments could appease those supporting the unity government “for a while, perhaps”.

He said the political parties would be “temporarily satisfied” with their allocated representation in the Cabinet.

“But politics nowadays is so fluid that anything could change rapidly,” he added.

Oh, however, conceded that the ministerial appointments reflected the proportion of the various parties in the administration.

“It is, in essence, a coalition government,” he added.

By TARRENCE TAN and RAGANANTHINI VETHASALAM

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Sunday, October 7, 2018

Umno is swimming against the tide

Empires are built, destroyed and rebuilt. If Umno wishes to witness the final part of that life cycle, it must navigate out of choppy waters by making right calls.

IF there’s one thing the Umno leadership needs to accept – no matter how painful – is that it’s now in the opposition. They got kicked out, and that’s life.

So, for God’s sake, please start acting and thinking like an opposition party. It may be hard after 60 years being at the helm, since the party has enjoyed the privileges of power, which can be intoxicating.

Suddenly, the motorcades are gone, invitations to events have trickled, telephones are not going off the hook, and the formal suits have stayed in the closet.

Umno leaders should forget about “doing deals”. That was precisely what got the party into trouble – those dubious deals.

Some Umno leaders find it hard to be “out of power”. They need to be in power – even if it means playing second fiddle, or even placing third or fourth in the pecking order. But here’s the bad news – Pakatan Harapan doesn’t need Umno.

They need to stop leveraging on the spin that Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad needs them to keep Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim at bay. It sounds good for them, but the danger is that Umno MPs may start believing in their inflated sense of self-worth.

The PH government has the numbers. They have formed government and are running the country.

Governments in other countries, such as the Kuomintang party, which founded Taiwan, is now in the opposition but was the ruling party for decades, amassing huge assets. And like Umno, it also got embroiled in corruption.

The KMT maybe be broken now, but it still has plenty of assets. When the party fled to Taiwan after losing the civil war to the communists in 1949, it took millions in gold, bonds and antiques, all of which became part of the foundations of the party’s fortunes.

It also inherited assets left by the Japanese during their 50 years ruling Taiwan, but the KMT has come under investigation for public and private assets it seized after arriving in the country.

With its assets recently frozen, it had to cut staff from 800 to under 400 personnel because of insufficient funds. Sounds familiar, doesn’t it?

Then, there is the Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, and which ruled India for 60 years, yet today, is in the opposition and struggling to remain relevant.

In Britain, the Conservative and Labour parties have been voted in and out of government. Amazingly, in all circumstances, even when alliances were made with smaller parties, the loser ended up accepting the people’s verdict and simply worked towards getting re-elected.

So, it is terribly embarrassing to see how Umno leaders crawled to Dr Mahathir, seeking advice on how to keep his former party alive. I mean, why would he even want to see Umno remain intact?

If that’s not enough, Umno had to use its usual trump cards of race and religion as reasons for the formation of a unity government, comprising mainly Malays and Muslims, to safeguard the interests of the community – after billions of ringgit vanished!

It’s also incomprehensible to be telling Umno leaders in Kelantan and Terengganu, who have fought against PAS since Umno’s formation, that they now must work with the Islamist party.

And in the same breath, try to persuade what’s left of the Barisan Nasional component parties that it is merely trying to reach an understanding with the fellow opposition party.

Umno and PAS are supposed to represent different things. Umno is Malay and Muslim, but is supposed to be moderate, inclusive and has shared power with the MCA and MIC, even in Malay-dominated constituencies.

Of course, these Barisan component parties don’t understand what’s going on because Umno members themselves are clueless about this purported deal with PAS.

And why should PAS want to share power with Umno? It has control of two states. It has exuberantly introduced whipping and gender segregation at public events again, making the two states look like some extremist Middle East country.

The party is happy to equate liberalism with open sex, hedonism, LGBT and everything else it deems sins. And can we be blamed if we feel that Umno is happily singing the same tune and sharing the same ignorance of what liberalism means? And now, we even have a new term – super liberalism. Go figure.

And why shouldn’t non-Muslims feel resentment for PAS when its president questioned Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim for attending gatherings involving other faiths, or for the PKR president-elect to contest in a multi-racial constituency?

If Umno chooses to work with a party like PAS, then it’s heading down a slippery slope, if it’s purely about retaining or winning the Malay votes, because the party is bound to be grilled for what it stands for. Surely, it can’t be the same as PAS.

The DAP and PKR had been in the opposition for years, even decades, with their leaders paying a heavy price for their political convictions, but they continued with their struggles. We don’t have to agree with their politics and what they stand for, but credit where it’s due for their convictions.

And here we are – Umno suffers one defeat, and it’s running around like a headless chicken, which is how the party is being described now.

If it wants to get its house back in order, Umno first needs to reform itself. It is a flawed product, but not entirely a rejected or expired item.

It must appear an alternative. The voters are testing the PH government to see if it’s any good. Why not? After all, they gave the Alliance and Barisan a good 60 years, and they became arrogant and corrupt.

The voters are basically the customers, but Umno forgot that detail and expected the customers to be grateful, which is ironic. But that was exactly how Umno treated its customers.

Malaysians would like to see Umno leaders stop acting like big shots (which they no longer are), admit their mistakes and excesses of the past and, step down from their pedestal and be ordinary Malaysians.

Surely, we want leaders who can speak the languages of the people, understand their needs and sentiments, and just be one of us.

They ought to know that we are tired of having to address them by their titles and being expected to line up to kiss their hands. And for some bizarre reason, we wonder, too, why their identity cards need to carry their fathers’ titles!

So, we now have Tan Sri Awang Ibrahim bin Tan Sri Osman Tengah. If you don’t believe me, check the Mykads of most Umno members.

That’s how ridiculously far we have allowed this scheme of grandiosity to go with our obsession with titles. Now, it’s refreshing to see Cabinet ministers with no fancy titles.

We are watching all these newbies, so, don’t try to con us with pictures of them flying economy class, especially during the first year, and then subsequently, and quietly, enjoying the perks of power.

It’s obvious that the corrupt show their greedy selves in the second term of office.

But all is not lost for Umno. It has 49 MPs and that’s a substantial number. It must come across as an opposition worthy of being voted back into power, or it can continue to use the faces of political minnows, with their aggressive and irrational behaviour that is incongruous with the New Malaysia. It looks like Umno hasn’t learnt yet.

If the leaders can’t think well, then, it has to set up a really good think-tank capable of drafting the best papers and sound bites for Barisan leaders, and even produce policy papers that will put the party in good light.

Unlike the other component parties, Umno is still able to retain some very good youth leaders who can articulate their thoughts well, and with good command of Bahasa Malaysia and English. These fresh faces must surely be in the forefront.

If the warlords who run the divisions continue to have their way – now that the easily available funds are drying up quickly – then the demise of Umno will be near, and if they are still looking for deals, then it will be even closer.

On the beat by Wong Chun Wai

Wong Chun Wai began his career as a journalist in Penang, and has served The Star for over 27 years in various capacities and roles. He is now the group's managing director/chief executive officer and formerly the group chief editor.

The times to change in Malaysian politics!

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Friday, September 21, 2018

A question of faith, the corridors of power in Malaysia


Family dynasty: Malaysians are familiar with related politicians, but we should create a racket if Anwar is PM and Nurul Izzah becomes a Minister while Dr Wan Azizah still remains Deputy Prime Minister

The deal was sealed, yet, for inexplicable reasons, PKR president Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's route to the top is being challenged ...

THE Port Dickson by-election has unexpectedly become a controversy for some PKR leaders and the party’s supporters.

Suddenly, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has found himself being openly challenged by some of the top brass for his purported failure to consult them on the selection of the coastal town for a by-election, and why his wife or daughter weren’t asked to vacate their seats, instead.

For sure, this is unfamiliar ground to any leader – to be openly challenged. Call it democracy, but it looks more like an open rebel.

Anwar is now being accused of nepotism and those who have defiantly questioned this move include prominent lawyer S. Ambiga, who is closely linked to Pakatan Harapan.

Even the issue of race has cropped up in social media, with some, hiding behind anonymity, demanding why an Indian MP had to be sacrificed for the PKR president.

Others have suggested that Anwar is an impatient man, and that he should wait until the next general election in five years’ time for his turn. Perhaps he could be named senator, first, and save the big bucks needed for a by-election.

However, some of these politicians have suddenly developed amnesia, it seems, now that they hold positions in government.

They seem to have forgotten the pledge made to Malaysians was for Anwar to be pardoned and released from his incarceration.

In fact, that’s the basis of the PKR struggle – to free Anwar, who had to live with the unofficial title of de facto PKR leader. He was the party boss, even while languishing behind bars for 11 years.

Love him or loath him, only Anwar can glue the PH government in Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s absence.

Not any PH leader, including Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, Mohamed Sabu, Lim Guan Eng, or, for the time being, Datuk Seri Azmin Ali, could manage it.

It’s not about competence or ability, but about holding a government together. All his harshest critics, including those who questioned his trustworthiness, would admit it, even if reluctantly.

Anwar is also the only one who can man the fort against opponents like Umno, PAS and the right wingers who wield race and religion like weapons.

He was the man who issued press statements from jail, as we wondered how he did it.

And, of course, we remember all those street protests under different names and colours, all essentially for a singular purpose – to free him. So, it must be surprising to Anwar, who would probably feel slighted, to learn about the rebellious remarks made by some self-important key personalities for his need to first earn their approval and then consult them to contest in a by-election.

Suggestions of deceit abound, and no wonder, what with decisions shrouded in secrecy and lacking transparency.

And there we were thinking it was clear that Anwar would contest a by-election, get into Parliament and wait for his turn to be Prime Minister. Even premier Dr Mahathir has proclaimed unequivocally that he would hand the torch to Anwar and honour the agreement by the four partners of the Pakatan Harapan alliance to step down after two years.

So, the question is, how can Anwar be the successor if he is not an MP?

It’s pointless being the PM-in-waiting if one isn’t elected. We could not give two hoots about the charade and antics of politicians, who have the audacity to tell us they dislike politicking. We want certainty, stability and succession planning.

Dr Mahathir is already 93 years old, and it is just biologically and physically impossible to expect him to be PM until the next general election. We can’t allow the rigours of the job to take their toll on him.

A video of him walking wobbly recently circulated, so surely, we want him to remain healthy. However, he is still a mere mortal.

Anwar being named successor and elected into Parliament will provide better comfort because otherwise, an ugly scramble for power is bound to ensue, which we have no wish to see.

We don’t really care if Anwar chooses Port Dickson, Puncak Borneo or Timbuktu, because we are all suffering from the fatigue of election fever, which never seems to cease in Malaysia as they come in all forms and temperatures.

A by-election costs money. Also, it is in poor taste to ask a serving MP to step down to make way for Anwar. Most of us might hate the idea, but progression needs to take place.

Let’s be openly ignorant about this, because up until last week, most of us had never heard of Datuk Danyal Balagopal Abdullah, with due respect. Of course, we didn’t even know he was a retired first admiral. But those who attended his ceramah during GE14 said he never failed to remind them he served in the navy for 38 years.

Danyal has been recognised as the “voice” of the navy, and for them, his loss means no one will champion their cause.

Once Anwar is elected MP and eventually becomes Prime Minister, the full breadth of his ability will be on display, courtesy of his authority and power as a leader. Every constituent would want the serving PM as their MP, so the same can be said for PD. Surely, they can see the preferential treatment accorded to Langkawi and Pekan.

Then there is the issue of family dynasty, but let’s not get into this because the Lim brood has two MPs and a senator, the Karpal clan has two MPs and one state assemblymen, and of course, there’s the PM and his Mentri Besar son.

Malaysians are familiar with this situation, and how most of these individuals got elected is proof that it has never been an issue.

But we should create a racket if Anwar is PM and Nurul Izzah becomes a Minister while Dr Wan Azizah still remains Deputy Prime Minister.

You can count on your bottom ringgit, though, that’s neither going to happen, nor be allowed to happen.

Credit: On The Beat , Wong Chun Wai - The Star's managing director/chief executive officer and formerly the group chief editor.

Well, at least that is the plan, unless Mahathir moves first and scuttles this plan. Now, what was that again about Malaysia being a boring country to live in? Let me tell you, even the UK and the US, which are also in political turmoil, are not as interesting as Malaysia. And I think I will support Mahathir just to see Anwar fail and to make sure the rollercoaster ride ends here, once and for all.

I would rather support Mahathir than Anwar -

THE CORRIDORS OF POWER by Raja Petra Kamarudin

If it comes down to whether to support Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad or Anwar Ibrahim, in 1998 I supported Anwar (although I did not like both). Today, I would support Dr Mahathir rather than Anwar (even though I still do not like both).

The issue here is between the lesser of the two evils, as the Pakatan Harapan people, in particular the DAP Chinese, have been telling us since 2015. So, it is not whether you support the angel or the devil but more like which of the two devils you prefer.

I suppose, to be able to stay as Prime Minister for 22 years, survive so many ‘assassination’ attempts over those 22 years, and to be able to come back 15 years later for a second round, you really need to be a devil.

Now, the reason why I prefer Mahathir over Anwar is because Anwar has been taking us for a rollercoaster ride for the last 40 years or so and that ride is still not over. Now we are going for yet another rollercoaster ride with the ‘PD Move’ after the most disastrous ‘Kajang Move’ that took us nowhere.

The plan was for Anwar and not Mahathir to become the Seventh Prime Minister

With Anwar you do not know whether you are coming or going. One day we are asked to go east and another day we are told to go west. And while Anwar confuses us with the change of direction from east to west, we find out that he is going north while leaving us all behind.

Say what you like about Mahathir, but when you serve him he looks after you well. He never abandons ship and allows you to drown. If you are loyal to Mahathir he is loyal to you in return.

Anwar, however, is another kettle of fish. He uses you to serve his agenda and when you are no longer useful to him he discards you. Your loyalty is not repaid. In fact, your loyalty is betrayed.

And this is what makes Mahathir a better ‘boss’ compared to Anwar.

Back in 2006 when I used to go to Mahathir’s house to meet him, he would wait for me at the door and walk me to my car when we leave. That ‘small gesture’ meant a lot considering he was the ex-Prime Minister.

At least Mahathir does not treat you like a donkey the way Anwar does

Do not expect that from Anwar. He would sit on his throne and expect you to pay him homage.

In 2008, the day I was released from ISA detention, Mahathir phoned me to ask how I was. That phone call made my day and convinced me that Mahathir cares about the people who work for him or with him.

On the other hand, I had to make an appointment to meet Anwar and only managed to see him two weeks later. And when I met him he never inquired about my health. He just spoke about how he is going to come back as Prime Minister — as if I cared whether he becomes Prime Minister or not.

As I said, for more than 40 years Anwar has been taking us on a rollercoaster ride and with him we really do not know whether we are coming or going. In the 1970s, I supported Anwar Ibrahim because he supported PAS — and I also supported PAS after I moved to Terengganu in 1974.

Anwar defected to Umno in 1982 because that was the only way be could become Prime Minister

In 1982, Anwar abandoned us and defected to Umno in what I considered a betrayal. But when Anwar needed to challenge the Umno Youth leader, Suhaimi Kamaruddin, and he did not have the ‘machinery’, he came back to us for help.

Anwar promised if he wins the Umno Youth leadership he will make Umno more Islamic. Ustaz Fadzil Muhammad Noor, the late PAS President, told us to give Anwar a chance so we supported Anwar in his challenge for the Umno Youth leadership.

In 1987, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah (Ku Li) challenged Mahathir for the Umno presidency (while Tun Musa Hitam challenged Tun Ghafar Baba for number two). Anwar instructed us to support Mahathir and Ghafar (even though at that time most of us preferred Ku Li).

Then we realised why Anwar instructed us to support Mahathir and Ghafar. If Ku Li and Musa wins, Anwar is finished. If Mahathir and Ghafar wins instead, Anwar can oust Ghafar and take over as number two and then oust Mahathir and take over as number one.

Anwar wanted Ghafar to win because it would be easier to oust Ghafar and take over as the new Deputy Prime Minister

That was already Anwar’s plan in 1987. In 1993, Anwar challenged Ghafar for the Umno Deputy Presidency but I refused to support him and left his team. This is because Anwar was being funded by Vincent Tan and hundreds of millions was being spent to oust Ghafar — RM200 million in Sabah alone.

Because Ghafar could not match Anwar’s financial onslaught, he backed out and allowed Anwar to win uncontested. Four years later, in 1997, Anwar made his move to oust Mahathir but Mahathir was ready for him. This time Anwar was outfoxed by the old fox.

Fast-forward to 2018. Anwar is yet again preparing to challenge Mahathir for the post of Prime Minister. We would think he would have learned his lesson from the 1997 fiasco. Anwar wants to be back in Parliament by October in time for the November session.

Anwar expects Azmin to lose the deputy presidency contest, after which he will leave PKR with his supporters

Anwar’s plan is simple. He wants to do a deal with Umno and PAS and create a new or third coalition (let’s call it Barisan Rakyat). Anwar wants to make sure that Rafizi Ramli wins the PKR deputy presidency and he expects Azmin Ali to leave PKR with his supporters and join PPBM.

Anwar has been talking to Taib Mahmud and Shafie Apdal to get Sarawak and Sabah to join his new coalition. With half of Umno, more than half of PKR, PAS, Sabah and Sarawak, Anwar can get enough majority to form a government.

And, by Christmas, ‘Malaysia Lagi Baru’ will have ‘Barisan Rakyat’ running the country with Anwar as Prime Minister and Ahmad Zahid Hamidi as Deputy Prime Minister — and with another two Deputy Prime Ministers, most likely from PAS and Sabah-Sarawak.

Well, at least that is the plan, unless Mahathir moves first and scuttles this plan. Now, what was that again about Malaysia being a boring country to live in? Let me tell you, even the UK and the US, which are also in political turmoil, are not as interesting as Malaysia. And I think I will support Mahathir just to see Anwar fail and to make sure the rollercoaster ride ends here, once and for all.

Sunday, April 15, 2018

Malay & bumiputra rural voters will determine the winners or losers of coming Malaysia's GE14

Down the wire with the Malays

- With urbanites caught up in social media debates, it will be the quiet rural folks who determine the winners (and losers) of GE14

IF you haven’t already heard this one before, it will be the Malay and bumiputra voters, mainly in rural areas, who will determine what the next government looks like.

Despite the racket from urbanites, be it in private discussions or from the many irate postings on social media, it will come down to the relatively quiet rural folks who make up the decisive voices.

Out of the 222 parliamentary seats, there are now 117 rural Malay seats in Peninsular Malaysia, following the delineation exercise – up from the previous 114 Malay majority seats in the previous general election. There are 19 seats each in Sabah and Sarawak, with predominantly bumiputra voters.

These 117 seats include the 52 constituencies in Felda settlements regarded the heartland of the Malays, where the primary concerns are racial and religious in nature.

Another election monitoring group, Tindak Malaysia, reportedly estimated the Malay majority seats at 115 – up one seat from the previous 114, before the delineation.

To form the government, all that’s needed is a simple majority of 112 seats. Prior to the dissolution of Parliament, the Barisan Nasional had 130.

Donald Trump won the United States presidency firmly backed by the rural areas, and not from that of New York, Los Angeles or Washington DC. In fact, he lost the popular vote by a bigger margin than any other US president in history, but he won, via the country’s electoral system, which saw each state assigned several votes that go to the candidate who wins the public vote in that state.

His Republican party won in what is regarded as swing states, such as North Carolina and Ohio, with huge rural votes. In fact, he won 67% of the rural American votes.

In Malaysia, our voting system is much simpler with its “first past the post” format, based after the British electoral system. Again, popular votes don’t count. But like in the United States, it will be the rural folks who will be the determinants. In Malaysia, it won’t be the traditionally anti-establishment Chinese voters in cities.

In the 2013 elections, there were 30 Chinese majority seats or 13.5% of the parliamentary seats, according to a recent news report, quoting social media analytics firm Politweet.

“The proportion of ethnic Chinese voters in these seats ranged from 52.27% (Beruas) to as high as 90.94% in Bandar Kuching.

“These seats can be found in Penang (7), Perak (5), Kuala Lumpur (5), Selangor (1), Melaka (1), Johor (3), Sarawak (6) and Sabah (2),” it said. From the 30 Chinese majority seats, the DAP won 29 and PKR one.

But Tindak Malaysia has claimed that the number of Chinese majority seats has dropped to 24. There is also another stark fact; even without the delineation exercise, the number of Chinese voters has continued to shrink sharply.

According to Malay Mail Online, despite blaming Chinese voters for the decline in votes for Barisan, they, in fact, only formed about four million of the total 13.3 million registered voters. It quoted Politweet founder Ahmed Kamal Nava as saying that the Chinese vote “is going to become less relevant to both Barisan/Pakatan Harapan over time because the Chinese majority seats are going to become mixed seats and eventually, Malay majority seats”.

The report also said that a comparison between the GE13 electoral roll and the electoral roll for 2017’s first quarter showed that the Chinese voters’ projection has already fallen by over one percentage point in seven states and in 79 of the 165 seats in the peninsula.

Going by current trends, the projection is that the number of non-Malays will continue to drop further, with some saying that by 2050, there could be 80% bumiputras and just 15% Chinese and about 5% Indians.

In 2014, 75.5% from the live birth total were bumiputras, followed by Chinese, at only 14% with Indians 4.5%, and others 6%.

Based on calculations, the Chinese birth rate at 1.4 babies per family in 2015 from 7.4% in 1957 means that their position in Malaysia will fall from 24.6% in 2010, 21.4% in 2015 to 18.4% or less in 2040.

In the 2013 elections, realising that it is the majority Malay votes that will tip the scale, the DAP readily tied up with PAS, hoping they would be able to capture Putrajaya. The DAP aggressively pushed the Chinese to vote for PAS, and many did willingly, but the pact failed to materialise. PAS paid a heavy price for sleeping with the enemy, because the rural Malays simply couldn’t accept the Rocket.

A random survey on PAS’ core voter base – rural Malays – by online portal FMT, found that many viewed its alliance with the “kafir” party DAP suspiciously.

PAS emerged a major loser in the 13th general election, managing to grab only 21 of the 73 parliamentary seats it contested. It even lost Kedah. In the 2008 polls, it secured 23 parliamentary seats.

PAS president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang must have found his dabbling with danger a painful one. It didn’t help that the relationship between the DAP and PAS had soured following the elections.

Fast forward to 2018. The DAP, again, is explicitly aware the Chinese cannot hope to dump Umno without the Malays, so a new pact with PKR, Parti Pribumi Malaysia and Parti Amanah Negara has been forged.

It is even prepared to drop its iconic Rocket symbol, its organising secretary Anthony Loke admitting the Malays are wary of it.

The test now is whether the Malays in the rural areas will accept the idea of having Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Lim Kit Siang, whom the former had demonised the past 30 years of his political life, as emblems of a party taking care of their interest.

If no Malay tsunami materialises, and if the Chinese, again, place their chips on the Opposition – which seems to be the sentiment currently in urban areas – then, it will be the third consecutive elections in which the Chinese would have bet on the losing side.

The implications will be far-reaching for the community, especially if the Chinese representation in the government is weakened or non-existent when it involves legislation with religious overtones. It will also mean the possibility of being cut off from the mainstream involvement in crucial policy making and areas of development.

More so with whispers of a tie up between Umno and PAS, in some form, after the general election.

If the Barisan continues to get the mandate, as expected, DAP could end up occupying the biggest seats on the opposition bench since the rest of the Malay parties are generally untested, with PKR the exception.

Not many city folk, with the rising political temperature, want to hear or accept that this is simply a fight in the rural Malay heartland. Reality check: it will be the Malays and bumiputras who will have our fate in their hands.

By Wong Chun Wai, who began his career as a journalist in Penang, and has served The Star for over 27 years in various capacities and roles. He is now the group's managing director/chief executive officer and formerly the group chief editor.

On The Beat made its debut on Feb 23 1997 and Chun Wai has penned the column weekly without a break, except for the occasional press holiday when the paper was not published. In May 2011, a compilation of selected articles of On The Beat was published as a book and launched in conjunction with his 50th birthday. Chun Wai also comments on current issues in The Star.

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Saturday, January 13, 2018

Pakatan taking a step backwards’

PETALING JAYA: Pakatan Harapan’s choice of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad as its candidate for prime minister is a step backwards for the Opposition grouping, said Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia Senior Fellow Sholto Byrnes.

In an opinion piece yesterday in The National, a newspaper published in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, Byrnes wrote that Pakatan’s choice of Dr Mahathir showed it did not have confidence in its own leaders.

He said it also reflected badly on Opposition supporters who were strongly against the Government, which Dr Mahathir led for 22 years.

“The notion that this represents change, let alone fresh blood, is laughable and reflects very poorly on the Opposition’s confidence not only in its younger cadres, but also in those who have always opposed the Barisan Nasional governing coalition,” said Byrnes.

He said many Opposition supporters and leaders were imprisoned by Dr Mahathir, who is currently Pakatan Harapan chairman, for no good reason other than that their vehement opposition inconvenienced him.

“They are entitled to feel bitter at having to kowtow to their former jailer,” he added.

Byrnes noted that Dr Mahathir, who is now 92, would become the world’s oldest leader if elected in the event that Pakatan Harapan wrests power from Barisan.

This, he said, would open Malaysia to international ridicule.

“Any who doubt that should imagine the incredulous laughter if either George H.W. Bush, aged 93, or Valery Giscard d’Estaing, a sprightly 91, were to seek to return to the presidencies of the United States and France respectively,” he said.

Commenting on Dr Mahathir’s Dec 30 apology for his past mistakes when he was prime minister, Byrnes pointed out that the former leader said sorry for nothing specific.

Dr Mahathir later suggested that it was Malay custom to apologise for possible past mistakes.

“Whatever charges might be laid against him over possible wrongdoing during the course of his premiership – and Opposition activists have in the past called for him to be put on trial for them – he is essentially unrepentant,” Byrnes wrote.

He said Dr Mahathir would never have switched to the Opposition if Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak had been prepared to act as Dr Mahathir’s tame supplicant and do everything his former boss wanted.

“For ever since he stood down from the premiership, Dr Mahathir has not been able to let go,” he said.

Recognising that it was Chinese faces who had the track record and visibility in the Opposition after Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s jailing, Byrnes said Pakatan was trying to hide them behind a facade of Malay politicians to win the crucial votes of the majority Malays.

“There are decent people in the Opposition, whom I have come to know personally. But this new top ticket drives a coach and horses through the Opposition’s old principles and thus through whatever moral authority it had,” he said.

Choosing a nonagenerian former PM to head Malaysia's opposition is a regressive move

- REUTERS/Lai Seng Sin/File Photo

THE announcement last weekend that Malaysia's opposition coalition, Pakatan Harapan (PH), had chosen Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad as its candidate for prime minister made international headlines for two reasons. Firstly, Dr Mahathir has been the country's head of government before, for a record-breaking 22 years from 1981 to 2003, during which (and afterwards) his governing style was described as "authoritarian". With trademark sarcasm, the good doctor now one-ups that by conceding that in office he was nothing less than a "dictator". He is not renowned as an advocate for reformist democracy, which is what PH claims to stand for.

Secondly, he is now 92, which would make him the world's oldest leader if elected. Opposition columnists have ludicrously compared Malaysia, much praised by the World Bank, the IMF and other international bodies for its current government's reforms, prudent economic stewardship and excellent growth, with Zimbabwe. In fact, it is the latter's former president Robert Mugabe, a 93-year-old gerontocrat deposed ignominiously last year, who was so close to Dr Mahathir that the BBC's John Simpson once paid him the backhanded compliment of calling him "a kind of successful, Asian Robert Mugabe."

Malaysia's opposition is now effectively helmed by two leaders from 20 years ago: Dr Mahathir and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, the deputy he sacked in 1998 and humiliated after the latter was charged and then jailed for sodomy and corruption. Anwar is currently in prison on a second sodomy charge. His wife, Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, is nominally PH's candidate for deputy prime minister but should the opposition win, its plan is for Anwar to be given a royal pardon, enter parliament via a by-election and then take over from his former nemesis as prime minister.

The notion that this represents change, let alone fresh blood, is laughable and reflects very poorly on the opposition's confidence not only in its younger cadres (and by younger, that means 50 and 60-year-olds) but also in those who have always opposed the Barisan Nasional (BN) governing coalition, which has never lost power since independence.

Theirs has not been an easy road. Many were imprisoned by Dr Mahathir for no good reason other than that their vehement opposition inconvenienced him. They are entitled to feel bitter at having to kowtow to their former jailer. And while Dr Mahathir might still be very sharp – his tongue has lost none of its spikiness – they cannot be oblivious to the fact that proposing a man who could be 93 by the time he became prime minister again opens the country to international ridicule. (Any who doubt that should imagine the incredulous laughter if either George HW Bush, currently aged 93, or Valery Giscard d'Estaing, a sprightly 91, were to seek to return to the presidencies of the US and France, respectively.)

So why has Malaysia's opposition proposed him as their leader? Ah, but Dr Mahathir has changed his tune, some will say and has even recently apologised. Firstly, he said sorry for nothing specific and secondly, he then suggested it was Malay custom to apologise for possible past mistakes. However, whatever charges might be laid against him over possible wrongdoing during the course of his premiership – and opposition activists have in the past called for him to be put on trial for them – he is essentially unrepentant.

The late Karpal Singh, the formidable Indian national chairman of the mainly Chinese Democratic Action Party (DAP), would never have stood for it. His daughter and others with a long record in the opposition cannot stomach Dr Mahathir at the top and have said so vocally, as have some significant members of Anwar's People's Justice Party (PKR).

No wonder, for this is no alliance of principle. It is one of convenience. And if the current prime minister, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, had been prepared to act as Dr Mahathir's tame supplicant and do everything his former boss wanted, this would never have happened. For ever since he stood down from the premiership, Dr Mahathir has not been able to let go. First he undermined his handpicked successor, Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, and then Najib – not for any malfeasance on their parts but for the crimes of not taking his "advice" as orders and for not indulging his dynastic ambitions.

Paradoxically, Dr Mahathir's appearance at the head of the opposition pact is actually a testament to how strong a position Najib has built over the last two and a half years. Recognising that it was Chinese faces who had the track record and the visibility in the opposition after Anwar's jailing, PH is now trying to hide them behind a facade of Malay politicians to win the crucial votes of the majority Malays.

But their new alliance is incoherent, with politicians having entirely contradictory records on matters of civil liberties and free speech, for instance – and, worse, deceitful ones, claiming that the goods and services tax that the current government has introduced could be removed, with no real plans for how they would replace the vital revenue.

There are decent people in the opposition, whom I have come to know personally. But this new top ticket drives a coach-and-horses through the opposition's old principles and thus through whatever moral authority they had.

Malaysia has a good government that has won accolades for its determined fight against violent extremism and its successful economic transformation programme. It deserves a better opposition. And there's a certain 92-year-old who deserves the gratitude of his people for services past – but also a retirement he has put off for far too long.

Source: by Sholto Byrnes, The Star

> Sholto Byrnes is a senior fellow at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia

PKR gives up 14 seats to Pribumi for GE14

PETALING JAYA: PKR has given up 14 constituencies it contested in the last general election to Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Pribumi) for the upcoming 14th General Election (GE14).

Pakatan Harapan’s approved distribution of parliamentary seats for GE14 shows PKR giving up seats in Selangor, Negri Sembilan, Johor, Perak, Kelantan and Pahang to Pribumi.

Notably, it has surrendered the Pekan seat – currently held by Umno president and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak – to Pribumi.

Notably, PKR has given up its Lumut parliamentary seat, currently held by Mohamad Imran Abd Hamid, to Amanah.

Since the departure of PAS from the now-defunct Pakatan Rakyat coalition, many of that party’s previously-contested seats were distributed evenly among Pribumi and Amanah, a PAS breakaway party.

Interestingly, Pribumi is the Pakatan Harapan party contesting seven seats in Kelantan, against five by Amanah and two by PKR.

Pribumi will have a strong presence in the Umno stronghold of Johor, fielding candidates in 10 seats.

Four of those seats (Sri Gading, Pengerang, Pontian and Muar) were previously contested by PKR, while Tanjung Piai was previously contested by DAP.

Johor’s Ayer Hitam seat, which was previously under DAP’s quota, will be contested by Amanah.

Pribumi is set to contest eight seats in Perak, after PKR gave up four seats there – Tambun, Bagan Serai, Tapah and Pasir Salak.

PKR is also slated to contest the Sungei Siput seat now held by PSM’s Dr Michael Jeyakumar Devaraj. Dr Jeyakumar won the seat under the PKR banner in the last election.

Apart from Johor, Pribumi also has strong representation in Perak (eight seats), Kelantan (seven), Pahang (six) and Kedah (six).

It is believed that Pribumi is thought to have a better chance against Umno in those seats, compared to Amanah.

Some instances of give and take were seen in the planned parliamentary seat distribution.

Amanah in turn has given up the prized Titiwangsa seat to Pribumi, leaving it with no potential representation in Kuala Lumpur.

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Tuesday, December 5, 2017

How to measure a politician?

Use technology to learn more about them before casting your vote

Cheah taking a wefie with Tanjung Bungah assemblyman Teh Yee Cheu (behind Cheah) and (from left) Berapit assemblyman Lydia Ong, Speaker Datuk Law Choo Kiang and state officials during a break at the Penang state assembly in November.

KEBUN Bunga assemblyman Cheah Kah Peng of PKR is the man of the moment in the political scene in Penang.

Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng barred him from helping with the registration of flood victims for the RM700 aid in his constituency.

Lim, in his Facebook page, said in Chinese that he wouldn’t sit idly when elected representatives do not perform.

He stopped short of naming Cheah, except to say that he heard grouses from Hong Seng Estate residents about not seeing “their assemblyman” during the floods on Sept 15 as well as on Nov 4 and 5. We do not know if this is true.

In any case, Cheah got a letter from the State Secretariat relieving him of the registration duty. Lim and Pulau Tikus assemblyman Yap Soo Huey took over the task.

Cheah, showing his usual gentleman’s demeanour, declined to comment. But this is not the first time he has come under attack from the state administration.

It was learned that he was reprimanded for being unhappy with the passing of the Penang State Park (Botanic) Corporation Enactment 2017.

Penang Botanic Gardens is in his constituency and he feared the Enactment would affect people’s rights after the park was corporatised. It is said he was informed only a few days before the Bill was tabled.

In 2015, Cheah, Penanti assemblyman Dr Norlela Ariffin, Ong Chin Wen (Bukit Tengah), Dr T. Jayabalan (Batu Uban) and Lee Khai Loon (Machang Bubok) were dubbed the ‘PKR Five’ for abstaining in a vote against a Barisan Nasional motion on land reclamation in the state assembly.

Their relationship with Lim soured after that.

How do we define good elected representatives? Keep count of how many times they visit their constituencies?

And then there is the old question: Should we vote for the person or the party? There are many views on this, but as a journalist, I have an occupational advantage.

I have seen a few assemblymen turning up at gotong-royong, spend less than 30 minutes there for photo opportunities and leave. Yes, I know who you are and I am a voter too.

And then I had the chance to cover many state assembly meetings through the years.

This is where we expect constructive debates among the ‘Yang Berhormat’ on issues that affect us. But on a few occasions, there were no fruitful debates or exchange of ideas.

National issues, which cannot be resolved in the state assembly, dominate the proceedings at times. Why? What were our assemblymen hoping to achieve by prattling about things that the hall cannot act on? They frequently call each other names and bicker in the august House.

In the last meeting, two assemblymen dragged out the name of a newspaper editor and attacked his character in the hall where the editor had no chance to defend himself due to the absolute privilege that lets assemblymen say anything they want there without fear of being sued.

But I was relieved because at least five other assemblymen stood up to defend the editor and talked those two assemblymen down.

Unlike them, I do not have absolute privilege so regretfully, I can mention no names.

With today’s technology, it is easy to get to know political candidates before giving them our votes.

Check out their Facebook pages or Google their names to learn about them.

If they are not up to mark, something might show in their social media exchanges.

Remember, the election season is just around the corner. Use your vote wisely.

By Tan Sin Chow

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