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Monday, February 14, 2022

Understanding South Korea’s Generation MZ

How Generation MZ in S. Korea view jobs and the workplace

 

The luxe life: Shoppers with tents and portable chairs lining up outside a Chanel store in Seoul in December. With homes beyond the reach of millennials and Gen Z-ers, many are spending their money on luxuries, helping to make South Korea the seventh largest market for luxury brand items globally. — Bloomberg

 

LATELY, the foreign press has featured some intriguing articles on South Korea’s “Generation MZ,” a term that encompasses millennials and Generation Z, or roughly those born from the 1980s into the 2010s.

For example, Bloomberg reported on young people in South Korea in their 20s and 30s standing in a long line at 5am to buy famous brands at a department store. The New York Times, too, in an article called “The new political cry in South Korea: ‘Out with men haters’”, covers another side of the MZ generation: the rise of anti-feminist sentiment among many Korean young men.
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In the eyes of the foreign press, these behaviours of South Korea’s younger generations must look weird. However, despite some obvious problems, there is a grain of reason in some of their unusual behaviours. Many Korean men born between the early 1980s and early 2000s cannot find a decent job today, and this harsh reality has left them deeply disillusioned and frustrated. They are angry at their society for not providing them with a happy, stable life.
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In that sense, they are the Angry Generation. They are angry because their unemployment status has also forced them to give up vital things in life, such as getting married, having children, owning a home and a myriad of other things. That is why MSN called them “South Korea’s Give-Up Generation”. Korea’s Generation MZ also calls itself the Lost Generation.
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Since they cannot afford a home in their lifetimes due to skyrocketing real estate prices, Generation MZ finds pleasure elsewhere; they buy luxury cars or merchandise from a famous brand instead. It is no wonder, therefore, that they are willing to stand in a long line early in the morning to purchase luxury items or drive a Mercedes or BMW. Ostensibly, their attitude looks like snobbery, and yet deep down, there is sadness and anger in their desperate, extravagant spending of money.
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As for young Korean men’s anti-feminist attitudes, there are reasons behind that, too. They believe that feminism belongs to the older generation, who discriminated against women in a male chauvinist society. Assuming there is no longer real discrimination against women in South Korean society, these young men in their 20s think that it is unfair and absurd to give advantages to young women in the name of feminism.
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Moreover, they are angry because they think women take away all available jobs while men still have to fulfil mandatory military duty for about one-and-a-half years. That is why Korean young men think that it is only fair that Korean women, too, have compulsory military duty, just like men.
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Of course, young Korean women do not agree with them. Women argue that there is still discrimination against women at workplaces in salaries and wages. Besides, if a woman becomes pregnant, she feels the invisible pressure to resign, unless she works at a government institution.
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Korean women are also disappointed in Korean men because they think it is unmanly for them to demand that women serve in the army under the guise of gender equality.
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Yet despite these profound gender differences, both men and women of Generation MZ can agree that their government has failed to provide them with happy, secure lives.
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Young Koreans detest the older politicians’ self-righteousness and the illusion that they represent justice. Young people in Korea are perfectly aware that what the officials call “justice” is arbitrary and thus even dictators can claim that they represent justice, just as Michel Foucault perceived it many years ago.
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Young Koreans also hate the hypocrisy of the older generation that preaches “fairness,” while they themselves are relishing the sweetness of privileges and unfair advantages.
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Korea’s Generation MZ also does not approve of the older generation’s servile attitude towards bully nations.
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Young people in Korea think that Korean politicians should say “No!” to their neighbouring countries when they are overbearing and rude.
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Young Koreans are confident and proud because they live in an advanced, affluent country.
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To a certain extent, Korea’s Generation MZ resembles America’s Soft Generation in the 1960s.
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American parents who had gone through the Great Depression in the 1930s raised their children as sheltered kids who were consequently vulnerable to violence and adversity.
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The parents of South Korea’s Generation MZ, who had gone through the IMF (International Monetary Fund) financial crisis, also raised their children as sheltered kids with over-protection and excessive care.
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South Korea’s Generation MZ may look selfish, but they value individual freedom, fairness and transparency. They detest group-oriented, communal impositions and dogmatic political ideologies.
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Moreover, they are computer- savvy kids who live with social media every day. Recently, a Reuters story contained the headline, “South Korea‘s Gen MZ leads rush into the ‘metaverse’”.
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They are the future of South Korea. In the upcoming presidential election, Generation MZ should choose wisely so they can have a bright future.

 – The Korea Herald/Asia News Network
By Kim Seong-kon, a professor emeritus of English at Seoul National University and a visiting scholar at Dartmouth College, the United States.
 

Sunday, February 13, 2022

American Bible versus Chinese Dao Dejing, What is the real crisis of global order?

Modern capitalism has deep religion roots 

 

Andrew Sheng: My view is that the real crisis with the liberal democratic order is not whether autocracy is on the rise, but whether the liberal order is fit for purpose in a world threatened with existential climate change. After more than 40 years of liberal order, the world has had the highest social inequality, accelerating climate change, rising seas and natural disasters and failing governance everywhere.

 

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WRITING in Foreign Affairs magazine, Professors Alexander Cooley and Daniel Nexon argue that the core crisis lies in illiberalism on the rise. Namely, the contest of the century is not simply US-China, but liberal democracy versus autocracy.
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This week, US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken warned the recent Quad meeting in Australia that “China wants to dominate the world.”
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On the other side, the Russians claim that it is the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation that is expanding eastwards, whilst China accuses the United States of Cold War mentality in trying to contain China and stir up trouble over Xinjiang, Tibet, Hong Kong and Taiwan.
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The American foreign policy community has always lamented that despite opening up economically, the Chinese did not convert politically to the liberal democratic model, thus justifying American sanctions against China.
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By not converting to American ideals, the next step is to contain these “revisionist” powers.
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This “convert or contain” approach smacks of fundamentalist Christian beliefs to either evangelise or defeat the non-believers.
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Modern capitalism has deep religious roots.
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German sociologist Max Weber was first to pronounce that the Spirit of Capitalism came from the Protestant Ethic.
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Even though capitalism existed in ancient China, India and other cultures, its modern ethos was based on Protestant Christianity that revolted against the authority of the Roman Catholic Church and 16th century Catholic monarchs.
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The Puritan streak in American capitalism favoured hard work and acquisition of assets, not because it was greed, but because it was done for the glory of God.
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Capitalism greed is, therefore, not only rational and modern, but founded on religious ethics.
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To be rich is to be glorious (for God). Forget about the fact that wealth may have been founded on exploitation of other human beings and mother nature.
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International relations theorist Alexander Wendt argued that modern social science (including international relations) is founded on the key assumptions of materialism (reality is physical); reductionism (complexity can be reduced to simplicity); things behave in law-like ways (determinism); there is cause and effect (mechanism); and there exists objective truth (perfect objectivity).
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These assumptions are all embedded in American foreign policy of rational liberal democracy ideals, rule-based order; beliefs in individual human rights and in God that are enshrined in the US Constitution and coins – In God we Trust.
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In contrast, Chinese statecraft is founded on the 10th century BC I Ching (Book of Changes) and the 4th century BC Dao Dejing (the Book of the Way (Dao) and Virtue or De). Unlike the Bible, the most translated book in the world, which begins with “In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth”, the Dao (the second most translated book) begins with “The Dao that can be expressed is not the eternal Dao”.
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In other words, the Dao challenges almost all the assumptions that lie in modern social science: that no rule is forever, rights are balanced with obligations, good is embedded with evil, and nothing can be taken for granted.
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For Christians, God is perfect and man’s job is to seek perfection. According to the Dao, there is no perfection except constant change.
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Life evolves through the interaction of complexity and its parts. The individual (a rational man in economics with rights) is part of a collective and therefore has obligations to society and nature.
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There is no absolute good or perfect information, since Daoists believe that good and evil exist together in all beings and everything is relative, changing in cycles of time.
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China’s dual circulation policy can easily be understood as coming from Daoist philosophy.
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One example of the contradiction between liberal democrats and autocracy is the issue of legitimacy, often without self-reflection on their own record.
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The latest Edelman Trust Barometer 2022 showed that based on samples taken across 27 countries, China has the highest trust amongst the general population (index of 83), compared with the United States (43) and the UK (44), with the US Trust Index declining 10 points since 2017.
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Thus, the crisis in global order is not one of ideology, but very fundamental worldviews as to whether the world is unipolar and mono-culture, or poly-centric and where diverse systems and beliefs can co-exist and co-create with each other.
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My view is that the real crisis with the liberal democratic order is not whether autocracy is on the rise, but whether the liberal order is fit for purpose in a world threatened with existential climate change.
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After more than 40 years of liberal order, the world has had the highest social inequality, accelerating climate change, rising seas and natural disasters and failing governance everywhere.
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The environmentalist say that we have less than three decades (to 2050) to get to net-zero on carbon emissions.
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The demands on society to change are huge.
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Democratic governments facing elections that cost more and more to campaign in order to win find it harder and harder to take tough structural adjustments that are necessary to achieve both carbon neutrality and social equality.
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As Cooley and Nexon themselves admit, “in their current form, liberal institutions cannot stem the rising illiberal tide... Any attempt to grapple with this crisis will require policy decisions that are clearly illiberal or necessitate a new version of liberal order.”
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The recognition that you may have to do bad things to get good results is at the heart of the difference between the Bible and the Dao. The simple, naive version is that good things can only be achieved by righteous good politicians. The Dao recognises realistically that there is no gain without pain and no perfect leaders.
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For liberal democrats, the idealist search for the moral best has ended up with electoral promises remaining promises, no delivery of better jobs, human well-being and fairer social and ecological justice.
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Whither global order?
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For Christians, let us pray. Daoists will dialectically wait for more changes to come.
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by Andrew Sheng writes on global issues from an Asian perspective. The views expressed here are the writer’s own.

Andrew Sheng | South China Morning PostBy Tan Sri Andrew Sheng (born 1946) is Hong Kong-based Malaysian Chinese banker, academic and commentator. He started his career as an accountant and is now a distinguished fellow of Fung Global Institute, a global think tank based in Hong Kong.[1] He served as chairman of the Hong Kong Sec

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Indian saint, made-in-China statue

Impressive: A worker cleaning the stairs of the Statue of Equality, depicting 11th century saint Ramanujacharya in Telangana. — AFP

`See photos     Statue of Equality (Ramanuja).jpg

Map of Statue Of Equality
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Statue Of Equality

Religious destination in Venkannaguda, IndiaThe Statue of Equality, also referred to as the Ramanuja statue, is a statue of the 11th-century vaishnavaite Ramanuja, located on the premises of the Chinna Jeeyar Trust at Muchintal, Hyderabad. It is the second tallest sitting statue in the world. Wikipedia


` Compiled by JUNAID IBRAHIM, JAROD LIM and R. ARAVINTHAN`
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INDIAN Prime Minister Narendra Modi is under fire after claims emerged that the 10-billion-rupee (RM556mil) Ramanujacharya statue officially unveiled recently was built by a China-based company, Malaysia Nanban reported.`
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The 66m-tall Statue of Equality in Hyderabad, Telangana, was built to commemorate the 11th century Indian saint and is expected to become a tourist and pilgrimage destination.`
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Opposition Congress party leader Rahul Gandhi claimed that the statue was not built locally and berated Modi in a Twitter post with a swipe at the New India often touted by the PM, writing “New India is China Dependent”.`
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The “aimpon” or “panchaloha” statue made of five metals – gold, silver, copper, brass and zinc – is said to be one of the tallest in the world.`
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It is located in a 14ha compound which features a temple, meditation hall and a smaller gold statue.`
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> The Taiping Gurukulam Sevai Maiyam received some much-needed help to continue serving underprivileged children of Indian descent, Makkal Osai reported.`
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Recently, the Sri Navaneetha Krishna Temple, which houses the residential school and children’s home in Kampung Boyan, received a donation of RM21,001 from elected representatives.`
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Datuk Dr Jegathisan, who runs the Gurukulam, said the funds will go towards additional classes and tuition for the Children.`

`The above articles are compiled from the vernacular newspapers (Bahasa Malaysia, Chinese and Tamil dailies). As such, stories are grouped according to the respective language/medium. Where a paragraph begins with a >, it denotes a separate news item.

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