Foreign tech firms pose threat on Internet; World's largest Internet hacker

Companies asked by Washington to use online services to spy on customers

Foreign technology services providers such as Google and Apple can become cybersecurity threats to Chinese users, security analysts said, one week after China announced that it will put in place a security review on imported technology equipment.

Other major tech companies, such as Yahoo, Cisco, Microsoft and Facebook, were required by the US National Security Agency to transfer their users' information, according to Wan Tao, founder of Intelligence Defense Friends Laboratory, an independent institution focusing on cybersecurity in China.

Wan said that online services have become a major way for the US to steal information globally.

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Ning Jiajun, a senior researcher at the Advisory Committee for State Informatization, said, "Previously, the US asked companies to install wiretapping software on their technological products, but if users found and shut down related functions, its 'plan' would fail," he said.

For instance, information on a Chinese organization can be stolen when it places an order on an international shopping website, he said.

With technologies such as cloud computing and big data getting popular, information can be collected and analyzed immediately, which means the damage can be much greater and more difficult to prevent, analysts said.

"It can be said that those who master online services can get more information in cyberspace," said Du Yuejin, director at the National Engineering Laboratory for Cyber Security Emergency Response Technology.

Last month, China's Internet Media Research Center issued a report saying the NSA makes use of large technology companies for its wiretapping plans, including Prism, which was unmasked by former NSA intelligence leaker Edward Snowden, asking them to collect information on their users and urging them to hand in the data regularly.

The report also said that the NSA has taken iOS and Android, two leading mobile operating systems applied to iPhone and Samsung, as the "gold mine" of data.

The NSA grabbed users' information and stored most of it for analysis by invading database and communication networks of Yahoo and Google, while it has also controlled applications on smartphones with Britain, said the report released at the end of May.

"The US, in fact, could get these users' information or conduct the wiretapping by attacking the network instead of 'cooperating' with the enterprises, but it might take more time and money," said Wan.

The actions of the NSA have put huge pressure on US technology companies, as customers from Paris to Sao Paulo and from Beijing to Berlin worry about their privacy being invaded.

US President Barack Obama held two discussions with CEOs of major US technology companies in the past six months about the NSA snooping, which led to a "reform" of the NSA to focus on protecting US citizens' privacy, but with little improvement on foreign organizations and citizens.

In May, John Chambers, chairman and CEO of Cisco Systems, wrote a letter to Obama urging Washington to stop using the company for surveillance of its customers, according to an Al Jazeera report.

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- Contributed By CAO YIN (China Daily)

World's largest Internet hacker

The spying actions of the US have underscored the urgency of formulating common rules for activities in cyberspace

Last month, the United States Attorney-General Eric Holder announced the indictments of five Chinese military personnel on cyber espionage charges, accusing them of hacking into US companies in the nuclear power, metals and solar products industries. This has seriously compromised relations with China and sabotaged the bilateral cybersecurity cooperation that had been put back onto a normal track after overcoming setbacks.

With the indictments, the US has tried to present itself as the largest victim of cyberattacks, when in fact it is the Cold War mentality and troublemaking of the US that have precipitated the instability and insecurity in cyberspace. If the US doesn't change its behavior, all peoples in the world may become victims of Internet insecurity.

In June 2013, Edward Snowden, a former US National Security Bureau contractor, revealed US intelligence agencies were conducting large-scale network spy programs, such as PRISM, Xkeyscore and others, across the world. His disclosures indicated the omnipotence of the US' Internet surveillance and cyberattacks, which range from spying on communication metadata and backbone networks to the monitoring of short message services, instant messaging and video chats; from spying on ordinary people to spying on enterprises, universities, military units and even heads of state, not to mention the revelations about the US' cyber warfare capabilities.

Aside from its cyber command that has been rapidly growing, the US' marine, land and air forces have also set up their own cyber headquarters. Cyber combat capabilities are already regarded as part of the weaponry of the US' fighting forces. A series of US cyber combat programs have been revealed, from Stuxnet to Fslame and X-Plan, all of which indicate that the US has mastered more complicated means and more threatening abilities than other countries in terms of cyberattacks.

The latest indictments against the five Chinese military personnel have also reminded people of a series of previous cyber espionage claims against China by the US. In February 2013, Mandiant, a US cybersecurity firm, released a report accusing China's military of plotting hacker attacks against US enterprises. After that, many in the US, including the president and senior government officials, expressed a tough stance toward China and threatened economic sanctions against it. Some even suggested that US enterprises "hacked" by China should make cyber counterattacks in retaliation. Such groundless accusations of Chinese cyberattacks have drastically tainted the US' domestic political environment toward China and also frozen cybersecurity cooperation between the two countries.

The Chinese government has consistently advocated a new type of major-power relations with the US, and it has refrained from overreacting to Washington's "threatening signals". Even after the Snowden revelations, the Chinese government still adhered to the principles of no-conflict, no-confrontation, mutual respect and mutually beneficial cooperation, and it is actively pushing for cooperation with the US in cybersecurity and working for the establishment of a cybersecurity work panel under the Sino-US Strategic and Economic Dialogue framework.

All the evidence indicates that it is the US that is the world's largest Internet hacker and that the global cyber arms race triggered by the US' actions poses the largest threat to global cybersecurity. The US has so far cited "for the sake of national security" as the only excuse for its pervasive Internet espionage. The US should know that a country cannot put its national security above the interests and national security of other countries and the basic norms of international relations. The double standards the US has embraced in cybersecurity have damaged its credibility and compromised its image as a responsible power.

To enjoy the dividends of the booming Internet sector and communication technologies, cyberspace must be peaceful, safe, open and cooperative. Cyberspace should not be a field for either a cold or hot war, and the latest developments have once again underscored the importance and urgency for formulating common rules for cyber activities.

The US indictments of the Chinese military personnel are not conducive to global efforts to maintain the stability and security of cyberspace. The US, by taking advantage of its technological and military dominance, has established a cyber hegemony. It is hoped the US can lead the global Internet sector to develop in a healthy direction, as it once spearheaded the progress of Internet technologies for human progress.

- Contributed By Tang Lan (China Daily) The author is deputy director of the Institute of Information and Social Development Studies, China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations.

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Shangri-La Dialogue proves unfairly dominated by Washington, regional harsh accusations

The Shangri-La Dialogue (SLD), held annually in Singapore, is a security forum where Western, especially US discourse power has the upper hand. It's not, as the West claimed, timed to deal with security anxieties ratcheted up in the Asia-Pacific region, but a platform to sell US security doctrines that are positively portrayed as "contributing to regional stability."

Throughout these years, three terms have been used over and over to describe China's defense policy at the dialogue, among which "uncertain" is the lightest one. In recent times, China has been increasingly accused of being "aggressive" or "bullying" others. The SLD, which is actually led by the US, offers a platform to communicate with Beijing while pressuring it.

Another purpose of the SLD is to coordinate relations among US allies. At the SLD over last weekend, US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel rallied defense ministers from Japan and South Korea to hold a trilateral meeting despite strained relationship between Seoul and Tokyo.

Tempers frayed unprecedentedly at this year's SLD, as Japan and the US ganged up to antagonize China. The keynote address delivered by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was a barrage against China and its recent behavior in the East China Sea and South China Sea disputes.

Abe emphasized the importance of international law to resolve or at least manage disputes. He also pledged Japan would play an "even greater and more proactive role" with stronger defense ties to Southeast Asia, including an offer to provide patrol boats to the Philippines and Vietnam.

In a subsequent address next morning, US Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel endorsed Abe's speech and unleashed a rhetorical fusillade on China.

The rhetoric from Tokyo and Washington only reinforced both countries' anxieties over China's growing might.

It's not difficult to pick out logical loopholes from Abe's elaborate speech. He clamored for respect for international law, but the prime minister's ambition to enshrine collective self-defense is a violation of Japan's pacifist constitution. How can we expect a man who disregards domestic law to respect international law?

Japan promised to enhance its security role in Southeast Asia. But how can its Self-Defense Forces still be called this if they stretch into Southeast Asia?

The clumsy attacks against China didn't score much resonance from the Southeast Asian contingent, the most important audience at Shangri-La.

Vietnam and the Philippines acted rather constrainedly in Singapore. And after Hagel's speech, a professor from Indonesia asked the defense secretary whether the US is contradicting itself by opposing one single country, implicitly China, dominating East Asia while the US itself pursues a dominant role. But Hagel evaded giving a direct answer.

The tone of this SLD was set during Abe's keynote speech. The Chinese delegation were duly incensed and forced to return fire.

Wang Guanzhong, deputy chief of the General Staff of the PLA, accused Abe and Hagel of sticking to each other targeting China, departing from the speech he had prepared for the dialogue. The Chinese side went toe-to-toe with Washington and Tokyo.

In its move from being a reluctant participant in the SLD, China now engages actively in the security forum.

This year, the sizeable contingent from China includes military representatives, scholars, media persons and a diplomatic delegation led by Fu Ying, chairperson of the Foreign Affairs Committee of China's National People's Congress.

The primary goal of the Chinese delegation was to advocate and elaborate a new security concept for Asia. Nonetheless, we were kidnapped by the crude Western accusations and forced into a defensive battle.

In recent years, there are soaring attacks against China at the SLD, a West-dominated platform.

China should prepare itself for provocations and respond in a more wise and humorous way. There is no need to be led by the nose by the Western countries.

More importantly, we should cultivate and expand the clout of multilateral platforms where China can have a bigger say, such as the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia and the World Peace Forum.

Sources: The article was compiled by Global Times reporter Yu Jincui with Jin Canrong, associate dean of the School of International Studies, Renmin University of China. yujincui@globaltimes.com.cn

Regional harsh accusations overshadow Shangri-La talks

Perhaps the number "13" is unlucky after all. For, over this weekend, the 13th Shangri-La Dialogue (SLD), the premier Asia-Pacific security forum held annually in Singapore, was unfortunately shrouded in a thicket of almost tangible tension.

The first salvo was launched by none other than the increasingly controversial Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. During his keynote speech at SLD opening dinner, Abe made a thinly veiled accusation that China upset the status quo in the East China Sea by threat of force.

Abe talked about the need to change the country's legal basis, a reference to the amendment of Japan's pacifist constitution, to enable it to take part in "collective self-defense." But amiss in Abe's extensive description of the "new Japanese" concept was any mention of Japan's militaristic past which still casts a dark pall over many of its victimized neighbors.

The next morning, as if in sync, US secretary of defense Chuck Hagel wasted no time in his keynote speech to directly confront China by accusing the latter of unilaterally altering the status quo in the South China Sea.

Hagel followed up by officially stating the US disapproval of China's setting up of an Air Defense Identification Zone in the East China Sea. Echoing Abe, Hagel agreed with the need to amend the Japanese constitution, and even mooted the reassessment of their joint defense treaty.

The unusually blunt and strident US posture during this year's SLD startled many observers. But a careful examination of the recent chain of events both regionally and worldwide may provide some clues as to Hagel's tough tone.

A rapidly emergent China, with its attendant rising confidence in tackling foreign and regional matters, almost inevitably gave rise to the perception among some US policymakers that the hitherto more or less unchallenged regional leadership of the US in the Asia-Pacific region was being increasingly sapped.

This resulted in the US urgency to reassert its preeminent role in at least the security matters of the region. Hence the notions of "pivoting" and "rebalancing" rang aloud in US rhetoric versus this region. This sense of acute leadership reinstatement is further exacerbated by recent US foreign policy fiascos around the world.

The Edward Snowden-revealed US blatant spying on foes and allies alike continued to gnaw at global US credibility and moral standing. US President Barack Obama's own threat of use of force to resolve the Syrian civil war was essentially upstaged by a last-minute Russian brokered deal to avert imminent attack.

Yet the Chinese responded to these seemingly joint attacks with a two-pronged approach. The more genteel response was delivered by its former vice foreign minister Fu Ying, who reassured the region of China's peaceful intension and long-standing contribution to regional security.

The more head-on response came in the form of off-the-cuff remarks Wang Guanzhong, deputy chief of the General Staff of the PLA, who characterized both Abe and Hagel's speeches as being provocative to China.

Nevertheless, it should be mentioned that the general mood among many of the SLD participants from regional neighbors was such that while potential Japanese remilitarization and the return of US hegemony in the region were certainly not welcome, a certain perception of increasing Chinese assertiveness in the region, rightly or otherwise, was also taking root. China needs to redouble its efforts in assuring its neighbors of its purported peaceful rise.

But despite their confrontational postures, both Wang and Hagel made ample mentions of various ongoing and perspective security cooperation mechanisms between the US and China, giving the impression that their "new type of major power relationship" could still hold up despite stark differences.

In addition, Abe, Hagel and Wang variously gave high praises for the important roles in regional security played by East Asian Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum as well as ASEAN Defense Ministers' Meeting-Plus.

It is in this sense that despite the dense and serious mood permeating this year's SLD, a glimmer of hope can still be gleaned.

Contributed by Ei Sun Oh Source:Global Times Published: 2014-6-3 19:38:01
The author is a senior fellow with the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn

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SINGAPORE, June 2 (Xinhua) -- Island or maritime demarcation disputes should be solved through coordination and negotiations between directly involved parties on the basis of respecting historical facts and international law, a Chinese general said on Sunday.

China's sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction in the South China Sea were established through the long process of historical development, said Wang Guanzhong, deputy chief of general staff of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), at the 13th Shangri-La Dialogue..

It can be traced back to over 2,000 years ago, or the Han Dynasty, when China started discovering and gradually maturing its administration over the South China Sea, especially the Nansha Islands and related sea area, Wang said..

The Xisha Islands and the Nansha Islands, both in the South China Sea, were occupied by Japan during World War II, and returned to China in 1946 under the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Proclamation..

After the return of these islands to China, the Chinese government in 1948 mapped out the nine-dash line, which is clearly marked in historical documents and world maps drawn by different countries, the general said..

China's neighboring countries never raised doubts about China's sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction over the Nasha Islands, the Xisha Islands and the related sea area until the 1970s when rich oil resources were discovered in the South China Sea, he said..

China, as a signatory country to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), respects the convention which took effect in 1994. However, Wang said, China's sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction over the South China Sea islands and islets as well as related sea waters came into being over the past 2,000 years..

The UNCLOS, which took effect in 1994, cannot re-demarcate sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction that came into being over such a prolonged period of time in history, while recognizing countries' historical rights over seas and islands and islets, Wang said..

The UNCLOS is inapplicable to the adjustment of ownership of sea islands and islets, he said. The law governing the sea is an enormous and comprehensive law system, not merely a single UNCLOS..

Meanwhile, the adjustment is also not merely subject to a single international law of sea -- there is an enormous international law system which includes the international law of sea, he said. Thus, only using the UNCLOS to argue is not workable, he said..

China has signed the UNCLOS and respects it, but the United States has not signed the convention because it feels many provisions of the convention are against it, he said..

Wang noted China's stance in this regard is coherent and clear, that is, China advocates solving the disputes over islands and maritime demarcation through direct consultations and talks with the directly-involved parties..

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