Parti Cinta Malaysia (PCM) seeking love from Penangites

Seeking love from Penangites 

One Man's Meat By PHILIP GOLINGAI

Malaysia’s ‘love party’ hopes Penangites will give it a chance and send at least three of its members to Parliament and the state assembly.

THE Thaksin Shinawatra of Batu Kawan hobbled from table to table at a school hall in Seberang Prai, Penang, shaking hands with dinner guests before reaching the VIP table.

The 50-year-old politician was on crutches. He had broken his right ankle at his home in Penang on New Year’s Day.

During the dinner, organised by the Benevolent House of Charity, volunteers sold Chinese newspapers to collect funds to build a Chinese school.

The total collected was RM1,950 and, true to his moniker, Huan Cheng Guan topped up the amount to RM5,000 by donating RM3,050. He also donated RM1,000 to Benevolent House of Charity.

Strong support: Huan, on crutches, being greeted by guests at the Benevolent House of Charity dinner at SJK (C) Keng Koon hall in Bukit Mertajam.

“The money comes from my personal savings. It is for a noble cause,” he said.

It was a typical Sunday night for the vice-president of Parti Cinta Malaysia (PCM).

He had earlier spent 20 minutes at a Chinese wedding in Dewan SJK (C) Kampung Valdor, a few kilometres from SJK (C) Keng Koon where the charity dinner was held.

“As a politician, you need to go to the ground to meet the people. You need to have the personal touch,” he said.

Ninety minutes into the dinner, Huan left for nearby Restoran Long House to meet PCM members and supporters for a seafood dinner.

“This is not an election dinner. The election is still a long time away,” he told about two dozen guests, mostly Indians, seated at three tables.

While his guests waited for curry prawn and fried rice to be served, I interviewed Huan.

“Why are you called the Thaksin of Batu Kawan?” I asked. I was told he is as generous as the former Thai prime minister.

“Who said that? I’m not the Thaksin of Batu Kawan,” replied Huan, who describes himself as “blunt and rough”.

“Maybe I am called that because even though I am no longer their MP, I seldom reject associations and people seeking my help as long as they are for a good cause.

“Maybe it is because I am not stingy for if I have RM100, I don’t mind donating RM90 as I can’t take my money along with me when I die.”

Huan is the only recognisable face in the Penang-based party born on Aug 2, 2009.

“Many people know me as I’ve been an MP and a Gerakan vice-president,” said the politician who “sacked himself” from Gerakan in 2009 after it suspended him for three years for openly attacking the party and its leadership.

Huan was elected Batu Kawan MP in 2004. In 2008, he was dropped so that Gerakan president Tan Sri Dr Koh Tsu Koon could contest the constituency, only to lose.

Huan contested in the Bukit Tambun state seat (in the Batu Kawan parliamentary constituency) and lost.

The president of PCM is 41-year-old businessman Tang Weng Chew who, according to Huan, is very busy as he has business overseas. And the secretary-general is 35-year-old accountant Loo Kien Seang, who is equally busy.

“I asked Loo to contest (in the coming polls) but he said: ‘if you want me to contest, I will resign (from PCM)’,” he said.

PCM was formed as a third force to be an alternative to Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat. Many naysayers predicted the party would not last more than one or two years.

“But we are still alive and kicking. We don’t have any internal problems. In our party, position is not important,” he said.

On allegations that his party was pro-Barisan, the vice-president said: “PCM has limited resources so we are focusing on Penang.”

In the coming polls, PCM will contest in two parliamentary and eight state seats in Penang.

“As a small party we have to be realistic and we target to win one parliament and two state seats,” said Huan, who is eyeing the Batu Kawan parliamentry seat and the Machang Bubok state seat.

He hopes Penangites will give PCM a chance to voice out their issues.

“Pakatan has too much power and when they have too much power, they become very arrogant,” he said.

The “love party” is expecting some love from Penangites.

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Malaysia's 13th General Election Tell-tale signs, by June or next year?

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Tell-tale signs that polls are getting close

Sunday Star, PETALING JAYA: So when will the next general election be held?

Very soon, judging by developments in the last few days.

Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak announced the halving of toll between Kajang and Kuala Lumpur effective yesterday, just months after the Prime Minister abolished it altogether for the Cheras-Petaling Jaya expressway.

On Tuesday, amid news of growth, it was disclosed that investors have pledged RM9bil in projects in the first two months of the year in the ECER the East Coast Economic Region comprising Johor, Pahang, Terengganu and Kelantan.

Now, the Government is coming to the rescue of commuters in Kelantan with an injection of RM16.1mil to keep bus services in the PAS-controlled state afloat.

This comes on top of ongoing aid programmes, including giving RM500 to families earning less than RM3,000 and RM100 to schoolchildren all of which seems to indicate that the polls could be just around the corner.

A June window period
ON THE BEAT By WONG CHUN WAI

June has suddenly become the favourite month in the guessing game of when the next general election would be called.

There are two key issues that need to be resolved before the elections can be called. They include the Public Service New Remuneration Scheme (SBPA) involving 1.4 million government servants, who form the basis of the government votes.

Last week, Tan Sri Muyhiddin Yassin said the scheme issue was expected to be resolved by next month, adding that considerable progress had been made so far by the special committee to review the scheme.

“We should wait for the right moment (for it to be announced),” he said after a special meeting with personnel from the public service at Stadium Negara.

The Prime Minister had ordered a review of the scheme after criticism from government servants that it was lopsided and only benefited top civil servants.

There had been reports that under the proposed SBPA, certain categories of senior officers would enjoy a salary increase of at least 50%, which worked out to an average of RM5,000 per month.

The top government officers in the premier grades would get their salaries adjusted by between RM30,000 and RM60,000 a month, which understandably caused much unhappiness among the rank and file.

The quick intervention of Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak to put the scheme on hold has been well received by the civil service with the sentiment that he had put a stop to what many felt was grave injustice. Much progress has since been made to end this impasse.

Muhyiddin’s announcement is pertinent as it gave an indication of how the issue has been resolved.

Another key issue is the proposed listing of Felda Global Ventures Holdings (FGVH), which Felda group chairman Tan Sri Mohd Isa Abdul Samad said had received the support of its 112,000-odd settlers.

Last week, he gave an assurance that the settlers would retain full ownership of their land and benefit directly from any potential revenue realised from the listing exercise. He also said the settlers’ holdings in Koperasi Permodalan Felda (KPF) would be untouched.

The Felda settlers’ interest would be directly protected by a special purpose vehicle (SPV) and any potential proceeds resulting from the proposed listing would not be channelled through KPF, but through the SPV, he added.

KPF has about 220,000 members, 112,635 of them settlers. The rest are Felda employees and the children of settlers.

There has been talk that FGVH’s market capitalisation could reach as high as RM21bil upon listing, with many of the Felda settlers looking forward to the plans which had received huge coverage in the Bahasa Malaysia dailies.

The civil service and the Felda settlers in the rural constituencies have long been a backbone of the ruling Barisan Nasional and these two concerns obviously needed to be addressed before any elections can be called.

There is another issue that needs closure – the National Feedlot Corporation controversy, which has dogged the headlines. Investigations are being carried out by the police and the Malaysia Anti-Corruption Commission.

If elections are not called by June, then it is unlikely to take place until next year. Fasting starts at the end of July, with Hari Raya falling in the third week of August while the Haj season begins in September and ends in November.

The Dewan Rakyat is set to begin its 20-day meeting from March 12. This will be followed by a second meeting from June 11 to June 28 (12 days). The final meeting of 34 days, which includes presentation of the Budget, will be from Sept 24 to Nov 27.

The Budget, once tabled, would be debated on until next year when the Dewan Negara meets, before it is officially approved.

In short, June will be Najib’s last window period whether to call for polls. It also coincides with the school holidays, which start on May 26 and end on June 10. If nothing happens, then it is almost a foregone conclusion that it will take place next year.

Preparations for the elections appear to have gone high gear now with Najib making popular announcements almost every few days.

It is understood that the Barisan Nasional chairman has also started to meet individual heads of the various component parties.

The polls seem to be getting nearer for sure. As Najib continues his nationwide whirlwind visits, the urgency and the momentum are picking up.

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Are Malaysia a target for regime change?

COMMENT By CHANDRA MUZAFFAR

The forces that shape Washington’s attitude towards Malaysian politics and political leaders may have a hidden agenda.

IN his widely read blog (Feb 13, 2012), the former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, criticises the politics of regime change pursued by the United States of America.



He is concerned that Malaysia may also be a target for regime change. And the US candidate to head the new regime which will be in full, complete support of US policies, he says, is none other than the Leader of the Opposition, (Datuk Seri) Anwar Ibrahim.

Why should the US government seek regime change in Malaysia when the present Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak, has sought to further strengthen ties with Washington?

He has even employed a Washington-based public relations firm, Apco, to boost Malaysia’s image in the US. Najib’s personal relations with US President Barack Obama are supposed to be “excellent”.

And yet it is quite conceivable that the forces that shape Washington’s attitude towards Malaysian politics and political leaders may prefer Anwar to Najib for a number of reasons.

One, while Najib may have some rapport with formal leaders and the formal state, it is Anwar who has intimate links with the “deep state” in the US system.

It is the deep state represented by powerful interests such as the Zionist lobbies, the Christian Right, the bigwigs on Wall Street, the oil barons, the arms merchants and the media Moghuls which is in effective control.

To appreciate the distinction between the two, one has to reflect on Obama’s Cairo speech on June 4, 2009, which stated explicitly that “The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements” but in reality the formal leader has had to yield to the Zionists and the Christian Right who are enthusiastic promoters of Zionist expansion at the expense of the Palestinians.

Anwar’s entry into the deep state was through his close friendship with Paul Wolfowitz, the former US Deputy Secretary of Defence and one of the staunchest champions of Zionist power.

It was mainly because of Wolfowitz that Anwar became the first chairman of the Foundation for the Future in 2005, an organisation established ostensibly to promote democracy in West Asia and North Africa (WANA), but whose real purpose is to perpetuate US-Israeli hegemony over the region.

Even before this, in 1998, in the midst of the Asian financial crisis, Anwar was espousing an IMF-type solution to the nation’s economic woes, thus revealing his political orientation.

This is why during his first two trials for abuse of power and sodomy between 1998 and 2004 and during his recent trial for sodomy, the mainstream Western media went out of its way to demand that the Malaysian authorities acquit Anwar.

Wolfowitz and former US Vice-President, Al Gore even penned a joint opinion piece in the Wall Street Journal on Aug 4, 2010, urging the US government to persuade the Malaysian Government to “ act with wisdom” in Anwar’s trial.

A day before he was acquitted, on Jan 8, 2012, The Washington Post in an editorial warned that “If the verdict fails that test (Malaysia’s commitment to democracy and the rule of law), there should be consequences for Mr Najib’s relations with Washington.”

This was an undisguised, unabashed attempt by one of the media pillars of the deep state to pressurise a sovereign nation to submit to its will.

Two, if Anwar is the darling of the deep state in the US, it is partly because of his stand on Israel. In an interview with The Wall Street Journal on Jan 26, 2012, he reiterated his support for “all efforts to protect the security of the state of Israel”.

It should be emphasised here that support for Israeli security – contrary to what he is saying now – was not contingent on “Israel respecting the aspirations of the Palestinians”.

In the interview, Israel’s security stands by itself. It is diplomatic recognition of Israel that Anwar links to Palestinian aspirations.

Placing Israel’s security on a pedestal is the sort of gesture that the deep state and Zionists the world over laud, especially if the advocate is a Muslim leader. For Israel’s security has become the justification for all its policies of occupation, annexation and aggression in the last 63 years.

Israel’s security is the albatross around the neck of the dispossessed Palestinians and other Arabs who have lost their land and dignity to the occupying power.

It is obvious that by acknowledging the primacy of Israeli security, Anwar was sending a clear message to the deep state and to Tel Aviv and Washington – that he is someone that they could trust.
In contrast, the Najib government, in spite of its attempts to get closer to Washington, remains critical of Israeli aggression and intransigence.

Najib has described the Israeli government as a “serial killer” and a “gangster”. This has incensed the deep state.

Anwar, on the other hand, told Zionist friends in Washington two years ago that he regretted using terms such as “Zionist aggression” (Jackson Diehl “Flirting with zealotry in Malaysia” The Washington Post, June 28, 2010).

Three, Anwar is the choice of the deep state for another reason which in its own reckoning is becoming almost as important as Israel. This is the rise of China and what it means for US global hegemony.

Elements within the deep state appear to have convinced Obama that China is a threat to its neighbours and to the US’s dominant role in the Asia-Pacific.

Establishing a military base in Darwin, resurrecting the US’ military alliance with the Philippines, coaxing Japan to play a more overt military role in the region, instigating Vietnam to confront China over the Spratly islands, and encouraging India to counterbalance Chinese power, are all part and parcel of the larger US agenda of encircling and containing China.

In pursuing this agenda, the US wants reliable allies – not just friends – in Asia.

In this regard, Malaysia is important because of its position as a littoral state with sovereign rights over the Straits of Malacca, which is one of China’s most critical supply routes that transports much of the oil and other materials vital for its economic development.

Will the containment of China lead to a situation where the hegemon determined to perpetuate its dominant power seek to exercise control over the Straits in order to curb China’s ascendancy?

Would a trusted ally in Kuala Lumpur facilitate such control?

The current Malaysian leadership does not fit the bill. It has sustained and deepened the bond of friendship between Malaysia and China through increased bilateral trade and investments.

China is Malaysia’s biggest trading partner globally and Malaysia is China’s biggest trading partner within Asean.

China is most appreciative of the fact that Malaysia under the late Tun Razak was the first non-communist country in South-East Asia to establish diplomatic relations with China in 1974.

When his son Najib became Prime Minister in April 2009, China was the first country outside Asean that he visited.

In a number of regional and international forums, Malaysia has maintained that China is not a threat to its neighbours and does not seek global dominance.

These are views that do not accord with the deep state’s bellicose stance towards China. It explains why the deep state may be inclined towards regime change in Kuala Lumpur.

> Dr Chandra Muzaffar is president of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST) and Professor of Global Studies, Universiti Sains Malaysia.

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